Locke and Hobbes Views on State of Nature

Introduction The state of nature, in political philosophy, is a term used in social contract theories to refer to the hypothetical condition that preceded governments.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Locke and Hobbes’ Views on State of Nature specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More In a broader sense, state of nature can be described as the condition before rule of positive law comes into being, thus it is a synonym for anarchy (Schochet, 1967). State of nature is fundamental in social contract theory since people seek to be governed by persons in higher authority in order to maintain their social stability. Hobbes and Locke were among the few philosophers who contributed immensely to the concept of state of nature. They were both natural law and social contract theorists who lived in the same era but had different views and arguments on the state of nature, justification of governments and the motives to move ou t of the state of nature. All other natural law theorists, except Hobbes, assumed that man was a social animal by nature. On contrary, Hobbes assumed very different conclusions and was infamous for several other unconventional results in mathematics and physics. Differences Thomas Hobbes wrote in his greatest work Leviathan, that nothing could be as worst as life without the state protection. As a materialist he borrowed a lot from the principle of conservation in motion from Galileo’s theory. He noted, that an object is eternally supposed to be in motion unless someone disturbs it. Using the principle of conservation of motion, he argued that, human beings are perpetually seeking for new things (Macpherson, 1990). In addition stated that, life itself is in a state of motion and can never be enjoyed without desire to move. He argued that, it is only through the search of well-being that human beings go to war with one another and that the fear of death is the only leading fac tor to the creation of a state. The state of nature is pictured by Hobbes as a state where all are at war with each other. The search for felicity results to men constantly trying to aggravate their power. According to Hobbes, human beings are made equal by nature since what they possess is equal in terms of strengths and skills. He argued that the weakest has strength enough to kill the most formidable, either by secret maneuvers or by coordinating with others. Hobbes cited that in a state of nature three reasons motivate human beings to attack each other, which included the desire for safety, glory, reputation or for selfish gains. According to Hobbes’ theory, in a state of nature there is no room for the unjust hence there is no space for immorality, something that he referred to as the National Right of Liberty.Advertising Looking for essay on political sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Individuals with coll ective rationality are contrasted by Hobbes. When explaining the peculiarity of â€Å"prisoner’s dilemma† Hobbes argued that it is difficult to achieve cooperation when individuals with collective rationality diverge. He believed that an individual’s rational behavior leads to attack of other people. According to him, it is our duty to obey the laws of nature just as other people around us are obedient to it. Incases where an individual feels endangered by other people’s standing, in just an occasion one is termed as acting jealously. According to Hobbes theory the level of collective suspicion and fear is very high such that we are excused for not obeying the law and that we only act in a morally upright way when others act the same way. Hobbes assumes that one concedes his rights to the government in return for life. To him, the role of the society is to direct creation of state and a reflection of the will of the ruler and that whatever the state does is just by definition. On the contrary, Locke’s views and arguments differ a lot when compared to Hobbes’. John Locke believed he could live in a state of nature and in a life without a state government. According to Locke, the state of nature is a state of perfect freedom and a state of equality that is only bound by the law of nature. In his theory, Locke adds a moral and technological aspect where he states that due to the fact that we are all creatures of God we should not harm others except for purposes of self defense. All people have a duty to protect and help others without doing harming themselves. On matters of liberty, we have the freedom to do what is morally upright. Here Locke’s view clearly contrasts Hobbes’ who cited that every one has a right over every thing in a state of nature, even the right over other people’s bodies. Locke advocated for equality among human beings and stated that everyone has the power to enforce the law of n ature within a state of nature. According to Locke, harming somebody is only allowed in self defense and those who break the laws of nature should face punishment as a natural right. He argued that each offense should be severely punished according to its magnitude so as to act as an ill bargain for the offenders and to make them repent, thus terrifying others who may be wanting to commit the same transgressions (Olivecrona, 1998).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Locke and Hobbes’ Views on State of Nature specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More According to Locke the most important right to be secured in a state nature is private property. He claims that God created us to own property and live in satisfaction but not to end up starving. Locke cited that there is a natural reason to own property in the sense that if man was to ask permission from another man to use the earth then it would amount to starvation. Lo cke’s picture of the state of nature is very optimistic. He argues that nature is not ruled by morality and individuals act for their best but not for the best of the community as whole. According to Locke, the reasons that led to creation of states were; increase in resource scarcity and the invention of cash that is a means of non perishable exchange. People could exchange land produce for money avoiding loss, creating wealth and imbalances that Hobbes termed as a state of war. According to him, the role of the society was to ensure justice was done. Similarities There are similarities between Hobbes’ and Locke’s views on state of nature. Both are political philosophers and their writings have influenced to a great extent development of modern political thought. Both refer to the state of nature in which man lives without a government and both point out risks in the state. Both, Hobbes and Locke talk about the dangers of the state of nature. Man is referred by both of them as being equal to the state (Macpherson, 1990). Locke describes nature as a state of perfect equality where superiority over one another is not exercised but despite the equality both warn of dangers of state of nature. For instance, Hobbes says that if two men cannot enjoy the same thing they turn out to be enemies, something that ends in a state of war. Locke points out risks in cases where the law of nature is lacking and everyone executes duties, this may result to what Hobbes refers to as a state of war. Both Locke and Hobbes somehow seem to agree on the law of nature. They seem to agree the concept of law to imply a law enforcer; otherwise the law would be an empty concept. Conclusion I tend to agree with Locke’s point of view in his argument, that in a state of nature there are moral codes which guide and inspire human beings (Macpherson, 1990). My reluctance to support Hobbes argument is supported by the fact that people may choose follow individual reas oning instead of a collective reason. However, Locke’s law of nature is somehow weak since it requires somebody to enforce it and his argument that everybody is empowered may not be true and may result to what Hobbes termed as state of war.Advertising Looking for essay on political sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More References Macpherson, C.B.(1990). The political theory of possessive individualism. Oxford: Clarendon Press Oxford Olivecrona, K.L.(1998). Appropriation in the State of Nature: Locke on the Origin of Property. Journal of the History of Ideas,78(67),90-123. Schochet, G.J.(1967). Thomas Hobbes on the Family and the State of Nature. Political  Science Quarterly,90,78-80 This essay on Locke and Hobbes’ Views on State of Nature was written and submitted by user Annika Ramos to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. 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Summary of Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe †Literature Essay

Summary of Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe – Literature Essay Free Online Research Papers Summary of Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe Literature Essay â€Å"Robinson Crusoe is certainly the first novel in the sense that it is the first fictional narrative in which the ordinary person’s activities are the centre of continuous literary attention.† Before that, in the early eighteenth century, authors like Pope, Swift, Addison and Steele looked back to the Rome of Caesar Augustus (27 BC – 14 AD) as a golden age. That period is called the Augustan age. Literature was very different since it focused on mythology and epic heroes. However, to what extent can Robinson Crusoe be called the â€Å"first novel† and how is it different from all that have been done so far? Besides, what are the evolutions in the novel genre leading to Victorian novels, like Pride and Prejudice published almost one hundred years later (1813) in terms of style, themes and concerns? Augustan writers, before Daniel Defoe, were very protective of the status quo and their novels were philosophical and religious, based on a myth of the eternal fitness of things. By contrast, Defoe stood for revolutionary change, economic individualism, social mobility, trade, and freedom of consciousness. For Swift, Defoe was â€Å"the fellow that was pilloried, I have forgotten his name.† He represented at once a social literary and intellectual challenge to the Augustan world, and the Augustans reacted to him accordingly. In Robinson Crusoe, Defoe deals with major points of Western civilisation like trade, mercantile capitalism since at that time, a great attempt was made to dominate other continents, spread culture, beliefs, like for example, when Robinson tries to convert Friday into Christianity, as he considers him a savage. In the eighteenth century, British economically depended on slave trade, which was abolished on the early 1800s. Therefore, Daniel Defoe was familiar with this practise, even though he did not actively criticise it. There is consequently no surprise that, Robinson treats Friday as his slave. However, Crusoe is able to recognise Friday’s humanity, though he does not see his slavery as a contradiction. Robinson Crusoe was written in a context of a European colonialism well established around the globe. Next, material wealth is a sign of prestige and power in Robinson’s mind. For instance, he often lists his belongings, like the amount of land ploughed, his provisions, and he stores the coins found on various wrecks. On top of that, he calls his â€Å"base,† his â€Å"castle† and eventually considers himself as a â€Å"King.† Therefore, material power is an important element as well as religion and faith in the novel. Robinson rejects his father’s advice and religious teachings at the beginning of the novel, in order to travel and have some adventure and wealth. Although, his shipwreck can be considered as a moral punishment and his disobedience as a sin, the protagonist did accumulate wealth and did survive at the end of the novel. Thus, the fact that he was punished can be argued and discussed. Robinson’s opinion about religion is very clear. He is a puritan and tries to spread his convictions on the island to convert into Christianity Friday, who is very rational. The hero simply refuses Friday’s own beliefs, thinking that his religion is the best one. This thought may be due to the fact that British people believed that they had a right and a duty to transmit their knowledge, culture and religion. By contrast, Pride and Prejudice was written a century later, and therefore, the worries were no longer the same. In Jane Austen’s novel, there is a complete shift to everyday life and society’s concerns. The writer reveals the ethical basis of everyday life, and shows how â€Å"the ordinary occurrences of the world, no less than great actions, were centred on moral conventions, moral judgement and moral choice† so that, living in such a society required a constant will and intellect to control the self and understand others. Differently from Daniel Defoe, her main concern is her emotional centre, not Robinson’s economic adventure. The shifts of interests are mainly caused by a change in society and a transformation in people’s minds. In Austen’s times, the most important thing is not the individual in itself but far more, the individual living in a society strongly hierarchical, and based on a strong and deeply rooted system of class. That difference can be pointed by the two openings of Pride and Prejudice on the one hand, and Robinson Crusoe on the other hand. â€Å"It is a truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must be in want of a wife. However little known the feelings or views of such a man may be on his first entering a neighbourhood, this truth is so well fixed in the minds of the surrounding families, that he is considered as the rightful property of some one or other of their daughters. [†¦]† â€Å"I was born in the year 1632, in the city of York, of a good family, though not of that country, my father being a foreigner of Bremen who settled first at Hull. [†¦]† The choice of words clearly shows that the two books are about to tackle different perspectives: the individual in Robinson Crusoe and the relation of the individual and the society in Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice. To carry on with Pride and Prejudice, marriage and money were two recurrent themes in Victorian people’s minds, as shown with Mrs Bennet, who in the very first chapter claims, â€Å"the business of her life was to get her daughters married.† In Austen’s plot, the Bennet daughters are in real danger if they do not marry and find a house since the obsequious Mr Collins will inherit the house after Mr Bennet’s death. Therefore, marriage is the only exit for the Bennet daughters. Money is seen as a potential progress in the Victorian society, likewise in Robinson Crusoe where trade may be perceived as a benefit for a society in expansion. Nonetheless, we have just seen that both novels deal with the question of individual. Robinson Crusoe is clearly based on the individual and his accomplishment. The protagonist is stranded on an island, and has to survive and live decently entirely on his own resources. This stress on individual is in keeping with humanism, an important feature in the early eighteenth century. â€Å"There exists an immutable human essence, usually known as ‘human nature’ which is historically invariable, and our understanding of it embodied in Western literature.† Human nature is held to process great potential for dignity and mobility. In Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe, just a few characters really appear in the plot. We can quote Robinson Crusoe, Friday, the English captain, the Portuguese Captain who rescued Crusoe when he escaped from Sallee, the Widow†¦ There are obviously less characters than in Pride and Prejudice. Defoe also highlights individuals’ emotions su ch as fear, anger, despair, hope and relief. However, Robinson only values Friday as a devotedly and reliable servant, and does not consider him a friend. There is no room for love, since there are no female characters involved in the plot. We are portrayed a masculine world where women have nothing to do in it. On the contrary, Austen was interested in individual’s problems and especially in women’s concerns illustrated by interactions with others and mainly through the two protagonists: Elizabeth Bennet and Darcy Fitzwilliam. As the title of the novel suggests, the intrigue is structured around both concepts of â€Å"pride† and â€Å"prejudice.† Elizabeth has to overcome her prejudice against Darcy to really appreciate his own personality and clearly see through him, beyond appearances and others’ opinions like her mother’s. On the other hand, Darcy has to forget Elizabeth’s social rank and the fact that she has no â€Å"connection † in order to really value her. In that way, these two characters are like â€Å"round† characters since they evolve and progress learning by their defects and by recognising they were wrong. Besides, Jane Austen does not hesitate to criticise the society and the system of class in which she lives, mocking at Mr Collins and his way he addresses people. He uses a very convoluted speech, completely inappropriate to the situation, like for example his proposal to Elisabeth: â€Å"My reasons for marrying are, first, that I think it a right thing for every clergyman in easy circumstances (like myself) to se the example of matrimony in his parish. Secondly, that I am convinced it will add very greatly to my happiness; and thirdly – which perhaps I ought to have mentioned earlier, that it is the particular advice and recommendation of the very noble lady whom I have the honour of calling patroness. [†¦]† In that proposal, Mr Collins has no feeling at all towards Elisabeth, and his speech is much more calculated we could expect. It is like a mathematical demonstration stressed by the style because, as Jane Austen says in chapter 15, â€Å"Mr Collins was not a sensible man, and the deficiency of nature had been but little assisted by education or society.† Thus, style is crucial in a novel to picture characters’ behaviours. Nonetheless, both books’ writing is radically different. First, regarding the narrator point of view, Robinson Crusoe is written in the first person singular. As a consequence, we constantly have Robinson’s point of view and opinion about the events happening. We have to wonder whether the protagonist, through which the story is described, may be reliable or not, and if we can trust him. If we had Friday’s point of view instead, it is clear that we would have a complete different opinion about Robinson. By contrast, in Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice, an omniscient narrator knowing absolutely everything tells the story. Consequently, the writer can arouse some dramatic irony creating gaps between what the reader knows and what the characters know, like for example, the fact that we know that Darcy loves secretly Elisabeth, whereas the heroin does not know that. Jane Austen contro ls the plot and sometimes intervenes to question the reader, and criticise some controversial points. The best example is the first sentence opening the novel which remains famous: â€Å"it is a truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must be in want of a wife.† (p.1) She clearly criticises the way that society works sparkling off some irony in that sentence, because society works the other way round. Nevertheless, in a single sentence, she already tackles with issues like money and marriage. Secondly, the third person narrative voice enables Jane Austen to put into practise her showing-telling technique. She describes the characters (telling) by, simply letting them speak, their personality being rendered by their way of speaking (showing). The most relevant example is Mrs Bennet’s behaviour. She is described as a complete â€Å"foolish† person, gossiping and only interested in marrying her daughters. For instance on the first page, Mr Bennet has a talk with his wife: My dear Mr. Bennet, said his lady to him one day, have you heard that Netherfield Park is let at last? Mr. Bennet replied that he had not. But it is, returned she; for Mrs. Long has just been here, and she told me all about it. Mr. Bennet made no answer. Do not you want to know who has taken it? cried his wife impatiently. You want to tell me, and I have no objection to hearing it. This was invitation enough. Why, my dear, you must know, Mrs. Long says that Netherfield is taken by a young man of large fortune from the north of England; that he came down on Monday in a chaise and four to see the place, and was so much delighted with it that he agreed with Mr. Morris immediately; that he is to take possession before Michaelmas, and some of his servants are to be in the house by the end of next week. Moreover, â€Å"for rapid effects and subtle shifts of emphasis, Austen’s language half assumes the mode of thought and expression of her characters, so that their consciousness are seen, filtered through the central authorial intelligence, and more can be understood from the authorial tone-of-voice than from straight forward report.† Furthermore, using the third person voice, Jane Austen keeps us much in the dark about Darcy’s character so that during our first reading, we are also misled by his behaviour, as Elizabeth is herself, pushing us to believe that he is very proud and haughty. Austen does that by â€Å"screening most of our impressions through Elizabeth in order to bring off the chief dramatic effect of the story,† overwhelming surprise at his first proposal. Last but not least, there was a clear-cut evolution between the two novels in the construction of the plot itself. Pride and Prejudice’s story is far more complicated, since the events are intermingled and are caused by others or are the consequences leading to other upheavals. Nevertheless, at the end, everything is solved, and every plot has an answer: Elizabeth marrying Darcy, Lydia marrying Mr Bingley, and Charlotte Lucas living with Mr Collins without loving him. Contrasting this causality, we can say that Robinson Crusoe looks like an epistolary story. During a couple of pages, Robinson even carries on telling his adventures through a diary, in the chapter â€Å"The Journal.† That technique could have been influenced by the fact that Daniel Defoe was also a journalist. Concisely, Defoe’s plot is simpler with only one main plot arousing the reader’s imagination more than possible burning issues. To conclude, Robinson Crusoe is a novel in itself, since it includes all the characteristics: characters, plot, and narrative voice. However, the concerns and the themes in 1719 were not the same as in 1813 because Daniel Defoe and Jane Austen did not live in the same world and society at all. On the other hand, Austen perfected the techniques of dramatic-presentation, socially analysed language, which were necessary to tackle the dilemma of individual moral choice and the relation between individuals and society in the bourgeois world. Later, in 1871, George Eliot’s Middlemarch appeared. This novel concerns issues of rank, reputation and marriage and it observes in a realistic way the characters, and the entire community from nobility to tradesmen. Realism was a key concept, very important since Austen’s times, and this was a deed which will go down in literature’s history. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Corpus Austen, J. Pride and Prejudice. 1813. London: Heron Books, 1968. Defoe, D. Robinson Crusoe. 1719. London: Penguin Popular Classics, 1994. 2. Secondary Texts Babb, H.S. Jane Austen’s Novels: The Fabric of Dialogue. London: Archon Books, 1967. Skilton, D. The English novel: Defoe to the Victorians. Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1977. 3. Further Reading David, D. ed. The Cambridge Companion to the Victorian Novel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Loveridge, M. A history of Augustan fable. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Secord, A.W. Studies in the Narrative Method of Defoe. New York: Russell and Russell, 1963: 9-108. Sherbo, A. Studies in the Eighteenth Century English Novel. Michigan: Michigan State UP, 1969: ch.10. Skinner, J. An Introduction to Eighteenth-Century Fiction. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Spaas, L. Robinson Crusoe: Myths and Metamorphoses. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Research Papers on Summary of Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe - Literature EssayComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoCanaanite Influence on the Early Israelite ReligionAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeAnalysis Of A Cosmetics AdvertisementBook Review on The Autobiography of Malcolm XThe Masque of the Red Death Room meaningsQuebec and CanadaBringing Democracy to AfricaHarry Potter and the Deathly Hallows Essay19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided Era

Investment Appraisal for Miggy and Brothers Co Essay

Investment Appraisal for Miggy and Brothers Co - Essay Example MBC is considering three alternatives as replacements: model A which will be sourced from the United States; Model B which is a British machine; and model C which will be imported from France. All of these machineries cost $100,000 and are seen to improve the production efficiency of the company and reduce the costs incurred in manufacture. As these are new machines, MBC will be hiring and training personnel who will operate the new equipment. Exact amount is not yet determined but Model C, in particular is expected to incur the highest training cost since the machine is least user-friendly. Models A & B have local dealer which agree to maintain and repair the machines for MBC. In the case of Model C, MBC needs to seek French manufacturers to service the machine in case of emergencies. The choice between the three machines under consideration can be justified by utilizing tools which tests the profitability of each investment. Three of the most frequently used assessment tools will be employed in MBC decision making. These are payback period, net present value analysis, and internal rate of return analysis. Aside from the quantitative data given by the management, this report adjusted the figures to enhance the rationale of the choice. In this regard, the salvage value of the old machine to be replaced is reflected as cash flows in Models A, B, and C. It should be noted that as the acquisition of the new machine will entail discarding the old, all options will benefit from the revenue of selling the old one. Due to equity considerations, this report opted to disregard the salvage value of the three machines on the sixth year. Since the salvage value of Models B and C cannot be determined, it is more rational to omit the revenue to be derived from the future sale of the machines. 3.1 Payback Period The payback period is one of the simplest ways in ascertaining the feasibility of an investment. This tool is used to determine the length of time that the company can recoup its cash outlay (Keown, et al, 2005). Table 2 shows the computed payback period for the three options. Table 2. Payback Period Computation From the above computation, Model A has a payback period of 4 years while the company's investment in Models B and C will be recouped within a shorter period of three years. 3.2 Net Present Value Net Present Value (NPV) is the difference between the present value of cash inflows and the present value of cash outflows (Keown, et al, 2005). Table 3. Net Present Value Computation Table 2 shows the computation for the NPV of the three machines under consideration. Model A has an NPV of 6,434 while Models B and C generate discounted cash flows of -7,299 and 16,455, respectively. 3.3 Internal Rate of Return The internal rate of return is the cost of capital which equates the NPV to zero (Keown, et al, 2005). Table 4 shows the different IRR for each model as computed by Microsoft Excel. Consistent with the NPV analysis,

Marketing Plan for an International Company Assignment

Marketing Plan for an International Company - Assignment Example It is a yardstick to measure the effectiveness of the marketing conducted for a product in an organisation. In this report, we take the case of Walmart to illustrate a marketing plan. Wal-Mart Stores Inc. is a US multinational  giant. It owns department stores and warehouse stores and goes by the brand name ‘Walmart’. According to the  Fortune Global 500  list of 2013, it is the  worlds second largest public company. It employs over two million employees, more than any other private employer  in the world. Walmart, the world’s largest retailer is controlled by the  Walton family, who own a 48 percent share in it (Troy April 21, 2011). Started in 1962, it has around 8,500 stores spread out in 15 countries. Any aspect of management in general, and marketing in particular, would be vast and exhaustive. Hence, we restrict ourselves to four focus areas viz. current marketing techniques, brand reputation, global networking and future expansion opportunities. These four areas are explained briefly and followed by four marketing tools. The areas are then explained with reference to Walmart, using each of the marketing tools. A critical evaluation from the report writer’s perspective is given at every stage. To conclude, an assessment of areas other than those related to marketing is provided followed by a general marketing evaluation and the road ahead for Walmart. Walmart’s uniqueness stems from the fact that it is the retailer that offers products at discounted rates. The purpose was to sell products at low prices for higher volume at lower profit margin. Lower cost suppliers were the primary reason for passing the savings in the prices. Walmart employed various strategies for marketing itself. It took over existing companies within the US and abroad. Simultaneously, it opened several stores all over the US and the rest of the world to enhance its presence; and of late it has ventured into the premium retail segment to

Compensation And Benefit Problems At United Aryan- Kenya Research Paper

Compensation And Benefit Problems At United Aryan- Kenya - Research Paper Example Findings in this report are products of research in the United Aryan Company based in Kenya. The researchers carried out fifteen telephone interviews among employees occupying senior positions in branches in Kenya. These were managers with senior decision-making authority. The branches employees many people from five hundred to ten thousand.The interview covered local citizens as well as those working as expatriates. All the branches specialize in the manufacture of all types of clothes for export. Markets are broad and include countries in Europe, Asia, and others in the American continent. Researchers also prepared questionnaires and handed them to line managers and supervisors. One thousand two hundred copies with positive responses coming from nine hundred and ninety-six pamphlets.The focus of the interview was getting their views on their salaries and other benefits, challenges emanating from the company remuneration system, areas with potential benefits they consider best in th e company compensation scheme. The first of the challenges United Aryan-Kenya is facing is developing a strategy reminiscent with global benefit standards. The strategy should meet different needs of employees as applied in other companies with employees from various cultural setups. Trading in the international market provides United Aryan-Kenya with multiple opportunities for growth. The size of the workforce in the international market can be bigger than the one at in the local market depending on the performance of the company.

Analysis of Migrants in London

Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol Analysis of Migrants in London Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol

Reflections on An Inconvenient Truth Essay -- Environmental Degradatio

"Future generations may well have occasion to ask themselves, 'What were our parents thinking? Why didn't they wake up when they had a chance?'" (An Inconvenient Truth). Throughout the last fifteen years, this type of thought has lead to a revolution within the United States. This revolution is not against the government, but against pollution and wastefulness. This upheaval of the green movement and decreasing non-renewable resources is producing a generation focus on expansion, recycling, and most importantly, energy production. Advertisements endorsing "going green" fill television, radio, and magazines showing products that will eventually make energy production start in the home. These advancements are numerous and are beginning to be reported at an astonishing rate. Even the military has begun to take measures, such as searching for alternative fuel sources, in an effort to reduce its ‘carbon-footprint’. From the 18th to the middle of the 19th century is commonly referred to as The Industrial Revolution; the 20th to the 21st century will be potentially known as The Green Revolution. Advances in production methods will be one of the next big steps that industry takes. Although these methods will decrease emissions and lead to an entirely foreign type of society potentially unforeseen problems may arise. The global population is growing at an unprecedented rate and by the year 2050 the global population is expected to exceed twenty billion people, an almost 150 percent increase from today (â€Å"Global Population Projections†). Although a green technology will develop a less wasteful society, the jumps in population growth could diminish or completely reverse these gains. These conclusions are evident even toda... .... The ozone hole and the accumulation of greenhouse gasses will not be solved today but rather further down the road once we discover techniques to battle these problems. One-hundred years from now may look completely different than the aforementioned vision; however, it will undoubtedly reflect the green movement and decisions that are made over the next twenty years. Works Cited An Inconvenient Truth. Prod. Lawence bender, Scott Burns and Laurie David. Direc. Davis Guggenheim. Perf. Al Gore. DVD. Paramount Classics. 2006 Annex, Robert. â€Å"Stimulating Innovations in Green Technology.† American Behavioral Scientist. 44.2 (200): 188-212. Print. â€Å"Global Population Projections.† Web. 4 Oct 2010. Silberberg, Martin S. Chemistry: the Molecular Nature of Matter and Change. 5th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2009. Print.